Thursday, November 27, 2008

華盛頓郵報(The Washington Post)一篇有關長毛的文章

華盛頓郵報(The Washington Post)在今日(11月27日)刊登一篇有關梁國雄(長毛)的文章.

A Democracy Activist Beijing Puts Up With
For Hong Kong's 'Long Hair,' Location Makes the Difference
By Maureen Fan
Washington Post Foreign Service
Thursday, November 27, 2008; A16

HONG KONG -- As soon as legislator Leung Kwok-hung joined the handful of demonstrators milling outside the Hong Kong Jockey Club on a recent day, their protest sprang to life.
Instantly recognizable by his waist-length ponytail, Leung grabbed a bullhorn and began to harangue the Sichuan provincial government officials gathered inside. The club, once a bastion of British colonial rule, was hosting a VIP luncheon to thank racing fans for their contributions to earthquake relief.

"Release Huang Qi!" Leung shouted under the watchful eye of police and club security guards. He was referring to the Chinese dissident jailed after campaigning for parents who'd blamed their children's deaths in the quake on shoddy school construction. "Respect human rights! Severely punish corrupt officials!"

Such outbursts are not usually tolerated on the Chinese mainland. But here in Hong Kong, the chain-smoking democracy activist and constant thorn in Beijing's side has perfected the art of the drive-by protest. Leung's well-rehearsed demonstrations -- many on behalf of the poor and the working class -- illustrate the differences in political culture that remain between Hong Kong and the mainland, even though both answer to Beijing. More than a decade after the British formally handed the island over to the Chinese, Hong Kong residents still enjoy a greater degree of free speech than mainlanders under China's "one country, two systems" policy.

Authorities here generally treat Leung respectfully. Even members of Hong Kong's famously capitalist middle class have come to appreciate him for daring to say no to the government, although some find his tactics tiresome.

Now, an economic downturn and Beijing's determination to stave off democratization efforts in Hong Kong have combined to make the self-described Marxist revolutionary more relevant than ever. Leung did better than expected in September's Legislative Council elections. He received fewer votes than he did four years ago, but he comfortably kept his seat in a district contested by 29 candidates from seven political parties, just a month after a wave of pro-Beijing Olympic spirit washed over the territory.

Leung's success as a member of the radical League of Social Democrats -- and the success of other grass-roots candidates -- has surprised Hong Kong's establishment. But it comes amid anxiety among the city's 7 million residents over the economy, as well as growing dissatisfaction with the central government.

Leung, 52 and known to everyone as "Long Hair," has vowed not to cut his hair until Beijing apologizes for the Tiananmen Square massacre of 1989. His smoke-filled office is filled with Che Guevara paraphernalia, and he is often seen in his trademark T-shirt featuring the Argentine revolutionary.

"I love him so much," said Wong Kingyan, a 26-year-old trading company employee. "He doesn't wear a suit or a tie, he has a kind of modern and free spirit, and he says what he wants. When I see his protests on TV, I feel he really cares for ordinary people and wants to do something for us."

The son of a servant in a colonial British household, Leung learned English by listening to the BBC. His mother took him to participate in left-wing union activities when he was young, and in middle school he joined a Maoist student movement. After graduating from high school, he worked as a bartender, a laborer and a car washer. Leung then joined a political group, the Revolutionary Marxists, which helped him land his first jail term in 1979 for organizing a rally in front of the official New China News Agency. He served a month, for unlawful assembly.

Leung was a well-known street activist for two decades before he decided to run for the council in 2000. He lost that race, but was elected in 2004, an outcome that surprised many. "Leung, with no background or connections to the elite, is neither a tycoon nor a barrister with a degree from a top-tier school in the U.S. or Europe," the Beijing-based intellectual Yu Jie wrote in a recent essay, noting Leung's election by a large margin. "Behind this miracle lies the people's aversion to autocracy."

During the government-led Olympic celebrations, Leung got himself ejected from the main equestrian venue for holding up a sign that read "No Dictatorship" and shouting "End one-party rule!"

Earlier this month, as Leung climbed aboard streetcars and walked through the city's open-air food stalls, people smiled and waved, calling out his nickname and asking for news. Occasionally, they also heckled him. "Some say, 'You're a traitor,' " Leung said. "It's politics."

Many in Hong Kong say they prefer a less antagonistic approach to Beijing than Leung's. Chen Kangsong, 48, a tea-shop owner, said he liked Leung's opinions but disagreed with his tactics.
"It's not easy for us ordinary people to make a living," Chen said. "So I welcome his help. But I don't like his style very much. The protests are superficial, trying to draw people's attention. If I were him, I'd use the time to do something more useful."

Leung is known as a champion of the working class, but "rich and middle-class people also like him," said Chinese University political scientist Ivan Choy Chi-keung. "In addition to the economic crisis, Hong Kong people are less and less satisfied with the politics of the current government."

Polls show a drop in support for Hong Kong Chief Executive Donald Tsang, Choy said. This year, Beijing announced its long-awaited decision on Hong Kong's request for expanded democratic rights: no direct popular elections or universal suffrage until at least 2017, and then only after candidates are approved by the central government.

"Most Hong Kong citizens want earlier elections," said Lam Wai-man, an assistant professor of politics and public administration at Hong Kong University. "If the government can't reach consensus on granting democracy, Long Hair will gain many more supporters in the future."

Police and Jockey Club officials understand Leung's appeal. Leung had actually been invited to the Jockey Club lunch Nov. 11 as a member of the Legislative Council. Once it was clear he intended to protest, however, he was barred.

"I am part of the community they should listen to," he said of the mainland visitors. "They want money from the Hong Kong people -- they shouldn't just come here like VIPs having a banquet and ignore our opinions about corruption and political repression."

In the middle of his protest, Leung managed to get a Sichuan representative to come out and accept three written complaints against corruption. Minutes later, the bullhorns and signs were packed up, and the protesters and reporters dispersed. Relieved club officials and security guards retreated into the clubhouse.

Researcher Zhang Jie contributed to this report.

Wednesday, November 26, 2008

祝各位感恩節快樂 (2008)


明天(11月27日﹐星期四)係美國的感恩節﹐今年因為在月頭已經到過紐約﹐所以不會出外旅行﹐加上星期四需要返工﹐所以就留在華盛頓﹐起碼可以賺holiday paid(相等與多一日的工資)何樂而不為呢﹖留待在星期五的“黑色星期五”(Black Friday)當日到商場搵減價貨﹗


Monday, November 10, 2008

紐約之行 (Fall 2008)



今次到紐約的其中一個節目就係在星期五傍晚到哥倫比亞大學國際事務學院﹐去聽一個關於維吾爾族的講座。題目叫做"Forgotten Communities of Inner Eurasia-China, Central Asia, and the Uyghurs: Exploring the Challenges of Cultural Hybridity"。講者包括來自喬治華盛頓大學的東亞系教授Sean Roberts、喬治城大學的教授James Millward﹔在全美唯一一所設立有關維吾爾族研究學系的印第安納大學布明頓分校(Indiana University, Bloomington)教授Gardner Bovingdon﹐以及自由亞洲電台(Radio Free Asia)的維吾爾語部編輯Nabijan Tursun。 在坐很多都係哥大的研究生﹐也有不少來自中國大陸的學生﹐講座內容也提及疆獨的成因以及維吾爾族文化面臨中國當局推行漢化的威脅。讓我感到欣慰的是所有人均能在問答環節當中平心靜氣的發問以及討論﹐並無所謂“愛國憤青”到場“宣揚民族大義”等搞事動作。

Wednesday, November 5, 2008



共和黨今次大選可謂慘敗當中有點好彩幸運﹐參議員少數黨領袖麥康奈爾(Mitchell McConnell﹐美國勞工部長趙小蘭個老公)在選情一度告急之下獲勝。共和黨也有望阻止民主黨在參議院內獲得60個議席的企圖。在眾議院方面﹐對中國持有鷹派立場的眾議院議長佩洛西﹐來自維吉尼亞州費爾法克斯縣(Fairfax County, VA)的共和黨眾議員沃爾夫(Frank Wolf)、來自新澤西州的共和黨眾議員史密斯(Chris Smith)、國會眾議院內的台灣事務議員團的共同主席韋克斯勒(Robert Wexler)、以及伯克利(Shelley Berkley)均成功連任﹐讓我可以放心。雖然美國外交政府並非由國會主導﹐不過卻起著非常巨大以及重要的監督作用。總算成功連任好過無。

Tuesday, November 4, 2008


今日係美國大選的日子﹐無論你(或者妳)是支持民主黨、共和黨、還是支持獨立候選人﹐如果已經登記成為美國選民﹐就應該好好把握今日的機會出來投票。讓主流社會知道﹐亞裔不是政治冷感﹐亞裔非常關心美國的未來﹐亞裔更是美國社會的一份子。投票能夠讓美國政界見到亞裔的參與﹐也提醒從政者不可不理我們的訴求﹔出來投票的原因就是﹕We care!

Sunday, November 2, 2008


在星期六晚從電視上看到共和黨總統侯選人麥凱恩以及他的太太仙蒂麥凱恩在Saturday Night Live開場時與“假的佩林”Tina Fey的客串演出﹐感到不是味道。雖然我並非共和黨的“死忠支持者”(die hard fan)﹐不過見到麥凱恩在鏡頭上不自然的表現(模仿在美國購物電視頻道QVC賣infomercial形式的電視競選廣告)﹐以及目前他在選情的表現與民意調查的支持度﹐我認為他是非常感到無奈。

我認為更無奈的就係Tina Fey模仿佩林在這個“競選廣告”內同時推銷“Palin in 2012”的T-shirt。我覺得麥凱恩真係無需要上SNL“獻世”﹗

麥凱恩在Saturday Night Live: