謝謝波士頓老陳在敝blog留言。因為事忙所以近日並無更新網誌﹐希望明年有更多時間。
對我來說﹐成為美國公民是一個讓我感到鬆一口氣的事情。整個過程從申請美國綠卡到在12月17日宣誓成為美國公民﹐擾攘了差不多八年的時間。
當我在二十年前隻身到麻省求學時﹐絕對不能夠相信整個過程會這樣冗長﹐會搞到今時今日﹗不過未知點樣辛苦過﹐又可來會珍惜呢﹖
最後補祝各位網友聖誕快樂﹗
Friday, December 26, 2008
Tuesday, December 9, 2008
終於收到獲得公民宣誓通知
在等待了超過兩個月後﹐今天終於受到美國公民與移民局(United States Citizenship & Immigration Service) 的通知﹐我可以在下個星期三在華盛頓會議中心(Washington Convention Center)出席移民宣誓儀式﹐正式成為美國公民。
搞了八年﹐終於等到這一日﹗
搞了八年﹐終於等到這一日﹗
Thursday, November 27, 2008
華盛頓郵報(The Washington Post)一篇有關長毛的文章
華盛頓郵報(The Washington Post)在今日(11月27日)刊登一篇有關梁國雄(長毛)的文章.
在此公諸同好﹗
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/11/26/AR2008112603853.html?hpid=moreheadlines
A Democracy Activist Beijing Puts Up With
For Hong Kong's 'Long Hair,' Location Makes the Difference
By Maureen Fan
Washington Post Foreign Service
Thursday, November 27, 2008; A16
HONG KONG -- As soon as legislator Leung Kwok-hung joined the handful of demonstrators milling outside the Hong Kong Jockey Club on a recent day, their protest sprang to life.
Instantly recognizable by his waist-length ponytail, Leung grabbed a bullhorn and began to harangue the Sichuan provincial government officials gathered inside. The club, once a bastion of British colonial rule, was hosting a VIP luncheon to thank racing fans for their contributions to earthquake relief.
"Release Huang Qi!" Leung shouted under the watchful eye of police and club security guards. He was referring to the Chinese dissident jailed after campaigning for parents who'd blamed their children's deaths in the quake on shoddy school construction. "Respect human rights! Severely punish corrupt officials!"
Such outbursts are not usually tolerated on the Chinese mainland. But here in Hong Kong, the chain-smoking democracy activist and constant thorn in Beijing's side has perfected the art of the drive-by protest. Leung's well-rehearsed demonstrations -- many on behalf of the poor and the working class -- illustrate the differences in political culture that remain between Hong Kong and the mainland, even though both answer to Beijing. More than a decade after the British formally handed the island over to the Chinese, Hong Kong residents still enjoy a greater degree of free speech than mainlanders under China's "one country, two systems" policy.
Authorities here generally treat Leung respectfully. Even members of Hong Kong's famously capitalist middle class have come to appreciate him for daring to say no to the government, although some find his tactics tiresome.
Now, an economic downturn and Beijing's determination to stave off democratization efforts in Hong Kong have combined to make the self-described Marxist revolutionary more relevant than ever. Leung did better than expected in September's Legislative Council elections. He received fewer votes than he did four years ago, but he comfortably kept his seat in a district contested by 29 candidates from seven political parties, just a month after a wave of pro-Beijing Olympic spirit washed over the territory.
Leung's success as a member of the radical League of Social Democrats -- and the success of other grass-roots candidates -- has surprised Hong Kong's establishment. But it comes amid anxiety among the city's 7 million residents over the economy, as well as growing dissatisfaction with the central government.
Leung, 52 and known to everyone as "Long Hair," has vowed not to cut his hair until Beijing apologizes for the Tiananmen Square massacre of 1989. His smoke-filled office is filled with Che Guevara paraphernalia, and he is often seen in his trademark T-shirt featuring the Argentine revolutionary.
"I love him so much," said Wong Kingyan, a 26-year-old trading company employee. "He doesn't wear a suit or a tie, he has a kind of modern and free spirit, and he says what he wants. When I see his protests on TV, I feel he really cares for ordinary people and wants to do something for us."
The son of a servant in a colonial British household, Leung learned English by listening to the BBC. His mother took him to participate in left-wing union activities when he was young, and in middle school he joined a Maoist student movement. After graduating from high school, he worked as a bartender, a laborer and a car washer. Leung then joined a political group, the Revolutionary Marxists, which helped him land his first jail term in 1979 for organizing a rally in front of the official New China News Agency. He served a month, for unlawful assembly.
Leung was a well-known street activist for two decades before he decided to run for the council in 2000. He lost that race, but was elected in 2004, an outcome that surprised many. "Leung, with no background or connections to the elite, is neither a tycoon nor a barrister with a degree from a top-tier school in the U.S. or Europe," the Beijing-based intellectual Yu Jie wrote in a recent essay, noting Leung's election by a large margin. "Behind this miracle lies the people's aversion to autocracy."
During the government-led Olympic celebrations, Leung got himself ejected from the main equestrian venue for holding up a sign that read "No Dictatorship" and shouting "End one-party rule!"
Earlier this month, as Leung climbed aboard streetcars and walked through the city's open-air food stalls, people smiled and waved, calling out his nickname and asking for news. Occasionally, they also heckled him. "Some say, 'You're a traitor,' " Leung said. "It's politics."
Many in Hong Kong say they prefer a less antagonistic approach to Beijing than Leung's. Chen Kangsong, 48, a tea-shop owner, said he liked Leung's opinions but disagreed with his tactics.
"It's not easy for us ordinary people to make a living," Chen said. "So I welcome his help. But I don't like his style very much. The protests are superficial, trying to draw people's attention. If I were him, I'd use the time to do something more useful."
Leung is known as a champion of the working class, but "rich and middle-class people also like him," said Chinese University political scientist Ivan Choy Chi-keung. "In addition to the economic crisis, Hong Kong people are less and less satisfied with the politics of the current government."
Polls show a drop in support for Hong Kong Chief Executive Donald Tsang, Choy said. This year, Beijing announced its long-awaited decision on Hong Kong's request for expanded democratic rights: no direct popular elections or universal suffrage until at least 2017, and then only after candidates are approved by the central government.
"Most Hong Kong citizens want earlier elections," said Lam Wai-man, an assistant professor of politics and public administration at Hong Kong University. "If the government can't reach consensus on granting democracy, Long Hair will gain many more supporters in the future."
Police and Jockey Club officials understand Leung's appeal. Leung had actually been invited to the Jockey Club lunch Nov. 11 as a member of the Legislative Council. Once it was clear he intended to protest, however, he was barred.
"I am part of the community they should listen to," he said of the mainland visitors. "They want money from the Hong Kong people -- they shouldn't just come here like VIPs having a banquet and ignore our opinions about corruption and political repression."
In the middle of his protest, Leung managed to get a Sichuan representative to come out and accept three written complaints against corruption. Minutes later, the bullhorns and signs were packed up, and the protesters and reporters dispersed. Relieved club officials and security guards retreated into the clubhouse.
Researcher Zhang Jie contributed to this report.
在此公諸同好﹗
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/11/26/AR2008112603853.html?hpid=moreheadlines
A Democracy Activist Beijing Puts Up With
For Hong Kong's 'Long Hair,' Location Makes the Difference
By Maureen Fan
Washington Post Foreign Service
Thursday, November 27, 2008; A16
HONG KONG -- As soon as legislator Leung Kwok-hung joined the handful of demonstrators milling outside the Hong Kong Jockey Club on a recent day, their protest sprang to life.
Instantly recognizable by his waist-length ponytail, Leung grabbed a bullhorn and began to harangue the Sichuan provincial government officials gathered inside. The club, once a bastion of British colonial rule, was hosting a VIP luncheon to thank racing fans for their contributions to earthquake relief.
"Release Huang Qi!" Leung shouted under the watchful eye of police and club security guards. He was referring to the Chinese dissident jailed after campaigning for parents who'd blamed their children's deaths in the quake on shoddy school construction. "Respect human rights! Severely punish corrupt officials!"
Such outbursts are not usually tolerated on the Chinese mainland. But here in Hong Kong, the chain-smoking democracy activist and constant thorn in Beijing's side has perfected the art of the drive-by protest. Leung's well-rehearsed demonstrations -- many on behalf of the poor and the working class -- illustrate the differences in political culture that remain between Hong Kong and the mainland, even though both answer to Beijing. More than a decade after the British formally handed the island over to the Chinese, Hong Kong residents still enjoy a greater degree of free speech than mainlanders under China's "one country, two systems" policy.
Authorities here generally treat Leung respectfully. Even members of Hong Kong's famously capitalist middle class have come to appreciate him for daring to say no to the government, although some find his tactics tiresome.
Now, an economic downturn and Beijing's determination to stave off democratization efforts in Hong Kong have combined to make the self-described Marxist revolutionary more relevant than ever. Leung did better than expected in September's Legislative Council elections. He received fewer votes than he did four years ago, but he comfortably kept his seat in a district contested by 29 candidates from seven political parties, just a month after a wave of pro-Beijing Olympic spirit washed over the territory.
Leung's success as a member of the radical League of Social Democrats -- and the success of other grass-roots candidates -- has surprised Hong Kong's establishment. But it comes amid anxiety among the city's 7 million residents over the economy, as well as growing dissatisfaction with the central government.
Leung, 52 and known to everyone as "Long Hair," has vowed not to cut his hair until Beijing apologizes for the Tiananmen Square massacre of 1989. His smoke-filled office is filled with Che Guevara paraphernalia, and he is often seen in his trademark T-shirt featuring the Argentine revolutionary.
"I love him so much," said Wong Kingyan, a 26-year-old trading company employee. "He doesn't wear a suit or a tie, he has a kind of modern and free spirit, and he says what he wants. When I see his protests on TV, I feel he really cares for ordinary people and wants to do something for us."
The son of a servant in a colonial British household, Leung learned English by listening to the BBC. His mother took him to participate in left-wing union activities when he was young, and in middle school he joined a Maoist student movement. After graduating from high school, he worked as a bartender, a laborer and a car washer. Leung then joined a political group, the Revolutionary Marxists, which helped him land his first jail term in 1979 for organizing a rally in front of the official New China News Agency. He served a month, for unlawful assembly.
Leung was a well-known street activist for two decades before he decided to run for the council in 2000. He lost that race, but was elected in 2004, an outcome that surprised many. "Leung, with no background or connections to the elite, is neither a tycoon nor a barrister with a degree from a top-tier school in the U.S. or Europe," the Beijing-based intellectual Yu Jie wrote in a recent essay, noting Leung's election by a large margin. "Behind this miracle lies the people's aversion to autocracy."
During the government-led Olympic celebrations, Leung got himself ejected from the main equestrian venue for holding up a sign that read "No Dictatorship" and shouting "End one-party rule!"
Earlier this month, as Leung climbed aboard streetcars and walked through the city's open-air food stalls, people smiled and waved, calling out his nickname and asking for news. Occasionally, they also heckled him. "Some say, 'You're a traitor,' " Leung said. "It's politics."
Many in Hong Kong say they prefer a less antagonistic approach to Beijing than Leung's. Chen Kangsong, 48, a tea-shop owner, said he liked Leung's opinions but disagreed with his tactics.
"It's not easy for us ordinary people to make a living," Chen said. "So I welcome his help. But I don't like his style very much. The protests are superficial, trying to draw people's attention. If I were him, I'd use the time to do something more useful."
Leung is known as a champion of the working class, but "rich and middle-class people also like him," said Chinese University political scientist Ivan Choy Chi-keung. "In addition to the economic crisis, Hong Kong people are less and less satisfied with the politics of the current government."
Polls show a drop in support for Hong Kong Chief Executive Donald Tsang, Choy said. This year, Beijing announced its long-awaited decision on Hong Kong's request for expanded democratic rights: no direct popular elections or universal suffrage until at least 2017, and then only after candidates are approved by the central government.
"Most Hong Kong citizens want earlier elections," said Lam Wai-man, an assistant professor of politics and public administration at Hong Kong University. "If the government can't reach consensus on granting democracy, Long Hair will gain many more supporters in the future."
Police and Jockey Club officials understand Leung's appeal. Leung had actually been invited to the Jockey Club lunch Nov. 11 as a member of the Legislative Council. Once it was clear he intended to protest, however, he was barred.
"I am part of the community they should listen to," he said of the mainland visitors. "They want money from the Hong Kong people -- they shouldn't just come here like VIPs having a banquet and ignore our opinions about corruption and political repression."
In the middle of his protest, Leung managed to get a Sichuan representative to come out and accept three written complaints against corruption. Minutes later, the bullhorns and signs were packed up, and the protesters and reporters dispersed. Relieved club officials and security guards retreated into the clubhouse.
Researcher Zhang Jie contributed to this report.
Wednesday, November 26, 2008
祝各位感恩節快樂 (2008)
病了個幾星期﹐無更新這個blog﹐依家終於好返D﹗
明天(11月27日﹐星期四)係美國的感恩節﹐今年因為在月頭已經到過紐約﹐所以不會出外旅行﹐加上星期四需要返工﹐所以就留在華盛頓﹐起碼可以賺holiday paid(相等與多一日的工資)何樂而不為呢﹖留待在星期五的“黑色星期五”(Black Friday)當日到商場搵減價貨﹗
祝各位感恩節快樂﹗﹗
明天(11月27日﹐星期四)係美國的感恩節﹐今年因為在月頭已經到過紐約﹐所以不會出外旅行﹐加上星期四需要返工﹐所以就留在華盛頓﹐起碼可以賺holiday paid(相等與多一日的工資)何樂而不為呢﹖留待在星期五的“黑色星期五”(Black Friday)當日到商場搵減價貨﹗
祝各位感恩節快樂﹗﹗
Monday, November 10, 2008
紐約之行 (Fall 2008)
在大選過後到紐約市渡過剛過去的週末﹐但係今次卻選擇坐巴士從華盛頓北上﹐每程足足坐左五個鐘頭車﹐下次真係咪搞。
選擇巴士的原因係價錢平﹐來回車費唔洗四十美金。與坐火車(Amtrak)比較﹐火車快超過一個鐘頭﹐但係火車來回票價就需要成兩百美金。不過下次有得選擇的話﹐我寧願俾多D錢搭火車﹗始終火車座位舒服﹐我條腰骨唔洗受罪﹗
今次到紐約的其中一個節目就係在星期五傍晚到哥倫比亞大學國際事務學院﹐去聽一個關於維吾爾族的講座。題目叫做"Forgotten Communities of Inner Eurasia-China, Central Asia, and the Uyghurs: Exploring the Challenges of Cultural Hybridity"。講者包括來自喬治華盛頓大學的東亞系教授Sean Roberts、喬治城大學的教授James Millward﹔在全美唯一一所設立有關維吾爾族研究學系的印第安納大學布明頓分校(Indiana University, Bloomington)教授Gardner Bovingdon﹐以及自由亞洲電台(Radio Free Asia)的維吾爾語部編輯Nabijan Tursun。 在坐很多都係哥大的研究生﹐也有不少來自中國大陸的學生﹐講座內容也提及疆獨的成因以及維吾爾族文化面臨中國當局推行漢化的威脅。讓我感到欣慰的是所有人均能在問答環節當中平心靜氣的發問以及討論﹐並無所謂“愛國憤青”到場“宣揚民族大義”等搞事動作。
選擇巴士的原因係價錢平﹐來回車費唔洗四十美金。與坐火車(Amtrak)比較﹐火車快超過一個鐘頭﹐但係火車來回票價就需要成兩百美金。不過下次有得選擇的話﹐我寧願俾多D錢搭火車﹗始終火車座位舒服﹐我條腰骨唔洗受罪﹗
今次到紐約的其中一個節目就係在星期五傍晚到哥倫比亞大學國際事務學院﹐去聽一個關於維吾爾族的講座。題目叫做"Forgotten Communities of Inner Eurasia-China, Central Asia, and the Uyghurs: Exploring the Challenges of Cultural Hybridity"。講者包括來自喬治華盛頓大學的東亞系教授Sean Roberts、喬治城大學的教授James Millward﹔在全美唯一一所設立有關維吾爾族研究學系的印第安納大學布明頓分校(Indiana University, Bloomington)教授Gardner Bovingdon﹐以及自由亞洲電台(Radio Free Asia)的維吾爾語部編輯Nabijan Tursun。 在坐很多都係哥大的研究生﹐也有不少來自中國大陸的學生﹐講座內容也提及疆獨的成因以及維吾爾族文化面臨中國當局推行漢化的威脅。讓我感到欣慰的是所有人均能在問答環節當中平心靜氣的發問以及討論﹐並無所謂“愛國憤青”到場“宣揚民族大義”等搞事動作。
Wednesday, November 5, 2008
大選過後
一如預料﹐奧巴馬成功贏得今屆總統大選。在競選期間的互相攻擊言語也成過去。現在係時候收拾心情重新上路﹐解決美國目前的問題。
共和黨今次大選可謂慘敗當中有點好彩幸運﹐參議員少數黨領袖麥康奈爾(Mitchell McConnell﹐美國勞工部長趙小蘭個老公)在選情一度告急之下獲勝。共和黨也有望阻止民主黨在參議院內獲得60個議席的企圖。在眾議院方面﹐對中國持有鷹派立場的眾議院議長佩洛西﹐來自維吉尼亞州費爾法克斯縣(Fairfax County, VA)的共和黨眾議員沃爾夫(Frank Wolf)、來自新澤西州的共和黨眾議員史密斯(Chris Smith)、國會眾議院內的台灣事務議員團的共同主席韋克斯勒(Robert Wexler)、以及伯克利(Shelley Berkley)均成功連任﹐讓我可以放心。雖然美國外交政府並非由國會主導﹐不過卻起著非常巨大以及重要的監督作用。總算成功連任好過無。
共和黨今次大選可謂慘敗當中有點好彩幸運﹐參議員少數黨領袖麥康奈爾(Mitchell McConnell﹐美國勞工部長趙小蘭個老公)在選情一度告急之下獲勝。共和黨也有望阻止民主黨在參議院內獲得60個議席的企圖。在眾議院方面﹐對中國持有鷹派立場的眾議院議長佩洛西﹐來自維吉尼亞州費爾法克斯縣(Fairfax County, VA)的共和黨眾議員沃爾夫(Frank Wolf)、來自新澤西州的共和黨眾議員史密斯(Chris Smith)、國會眾議院內的台灣事務議員團的共同主席韋克斯勒(Robert Wexler)、以及伯克利(Shelley Berkley)均成功連任﹐讓我可以放心。雖然美國外交政府並非由國會主導﹐不過卻起著非常巨大以及重要的監督作用。總算成功連任好過無。
Tuesday, November 4, 2008
依家係時候出來投票﹗
今日係美國大選的日子﹐無論你(或者妳)是支持民主黨、共和黨、還是支持獨立候選人﹐如果已經登記成為美國選民﹐就應該好好把握今日的機會出來投票。讓主流社會知道﹐亞裔不是政治冷感﹐亞裔非常關心美國的未來﹐亞裔更是美國社會的一份子。投票能夠讓美國政界見到亞裔的參與﹐也提醒從政者不可不理我們的訴求﹔出來投票的原因就是﹕We care!
Sunday, November 2, 2008
麥凱恩在SNL的表演
在星期六晚從電視上看到共和黨總統侯選人麥凱恩以及他的太太仙蒂麥凱恩在Saturday Night Live開場時與“假的佩林”Tina Fey的客串演出﹐感到不是味道。雖然我並非共和黨的“死忠支持者”(die hard fan)﹐不過見到麥凱恩在鏡頭上不自然的表現(模仿在美國購物電視頻道QVC賣infomercial形式的電視競選廣告)﹐以及目前他在選情的表現與民意調查的支持度﹐我認為他是非常感到無奈。
我認為更無奈的就係Tina Fey模仿佩林在這個“競選廣告”內同時推銷“Palin in 2012”的T-shirt。我覺得麥凱恩真係無需要上SNL“獻世”﹗
麥凱恩在Saturday Night Live:
http://www.nbc.com/Saturday_Night_Live/video/clips/mccain-qvc-open/805381/
http://www.nbc.com/Saturday_Night_Live/video/clips/update-sen-mccain/805401/
我認為更無奈的就係Tina Fey模仿佩林在這個“競選廣告”內同時推銷“Palin in 2012”的T-shirt。我覺得麥凱恩真係無需要上SNL“獻世”﹗
麥凱恩在Saturday Night Live:
http://www.nbc.com/Saturday_Night_Live/video/clips/mccain-qvc-open/805381/
http://www.nbc.com/Saturday_Night_Live/video/clips/update-sen-mccain/805401/
Tuesday, October 28, 2008
我的退休金投資
過去一個星期實在太累所以無心機寫blog。到下個星期大選期間忙到出煙的情況下﹐真係唔知道點算。好彩有若缺齋老人在蔽blog留言﹐提醒我有需要更新這個blog。謝謝老人﹗﹗
依家紐約個市好似過山車﹐日日上落都閑閑地過百點﹐心臟弱D都唔惦﹗好彩我在舊年年中已經將我的退休金投資內大約七成的組合撥到美國聯邦政府債券基金﹐之後每個月的供款先至買環球股市(美國境外)的投資基金。依家整個退休金組合依然維持大約65%於政府債券基金內。這些基金均由巴克萊銀行屬下的基金公司管理﹐整個美國聯邦政府的僱員退休基金其實都係買巴克萊銀行提供的五種投資基金組合(政府債券基金、私人企業債券基金、標普五百基金、中小企業股基金、以及環球股市基金)。
損失肯定有﹐不過未至於傷到見骨。依家繼續每個月買標普五百基金﹐希望可以撈到底。因為我並非炒家﹐所以就算再大跌﹐因為有債券基金打底﹐應該不會有太大問題掛﹗
依家紐約個市好似過山車﹐日日上落都閑閑地過百點﹐心臟弱D都唔惦﹗好彩我在舊年年中已經將我的退休金投資內大約七成的組合撥到美國聯邦政府債券基金﹐之後每個月的供款先至買環球股市(美國境外)的投資基金。依家整個退休金組合依然維持大約65%於政府債券基金內。這些基金均由巴克萊銀行屬下的基金公司管理﹐整個美國聯邦政府的僱員退休基金其實都係買巴克萊銀行提供的五種投資基金組合(政府債券基金、私人企業債券基金、標普五百基金、中小企業股基金、以及環球股市基金)。
損失肯定有﹐不過未至於傷到見骨。依家繼續每個月買標普五百基金﹐希望可以撈到底。因為我並非炒家﹐所以就算再大跌﹐因為有債券基金打底﹐應該不會有太大問題掛﹗
Wednesday, October 22, 2008
油價繼續下跌
原油價格在星期三終於下跌到每桶66.75美元的價位﹐是16個月以來的低位。 在剛過去的週末從華盛頓開了兩個半鐘頭車﹐向南行到達位於維吉尼亞州威廉斯堡市(Williamsburg, VA)內的威廉斯堡殖民地(Colonial Williamsburg)旅行。在途中到油站加油時見到每加侖普通低硫汽油已經低過三美元﹐回程的時候更見到每加侖$2.64。終於可以唔洗俾超過三美元一加侖的貴油﹗
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